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While in isolation at Camp J, Woodfox had been garnering more public support. Chapter 40 opens with a description of more people, Black and white, asking to come visit him, as well as Wallace and King, sending a shock through the guards, as “it didn’t compute with their belief system” (261). Eventually, this led to the creation of the National Coalition to Free the Angola 3.
This coalition worked to raise awareness of the Angola 3’s situation, as well as hiring investigators to track down leads, or looking for leads themselves. The prison responded by increasing pressure on the Angola 3, censoring their mail and shaking down their cells more aggressively. However, Woodfox writes that their resolve remained strong, fueled by the feeling that “for the first time in decades there were people outside prison besides our families who cared about us. People were fighting for us” (264). One of the people who had become involved in the fight was Scott Fleming, who’d initially heard about Woodfox’s case as a law student. In 2000, he joined the fight pro bono and turned over every stone possible in search of evidence of ineffective counsel or misconduct by the prosecutor—an effort Woodfox credits with keeping the case alive in the decades to come. In evaluating the various contradictory accounts of Woodfox’s involvement in Miller’s murder, Fleming wrote that “it is obvious that the State’s witnesses must have been lying, for logic alone dictates the conclusions that such irreconcilable stories could not possibly all be true” (271).
While this case was progressing, Robert King had good news of his own. A panel of Fifth Circuit judges had granted him a new trial, ruling that a constitutional violation had happened in his original trial for the murder of August Kelly. Because the state had no evidence—in the time since the first trial, the state’s key witness had recanted—and therefore no way to re-indict King, he was offered a plea, in exchange for immediate release. Knowing the risks of going to trial, he took the plea. Once released, he continued to organize and advocate for his friends and for an end to solitary confinement.
Meanwhile, for Woodfox and Wallace, conditions inside prison were becoming more difficult as their civil suit against extended solitary confinement moved forward. Wallace was sent to Camp J, Angola’s punishment unit. Although conditions in the Camp J rendered Wallace even more isolated—denied his possessions and reading material—he managed to get his story, and those of other inmates, out into the world through an artist and friend named Rigo 23, and the founder of the Body Shop, Anita Roddick. She had become interested in the Angola 3 and documented instances where prisoners who held in four-point restraints for weeks, were charged for the Mace used against them, and were denied mental health care.
Woodfox was dealt a series of devastating blows. His sister died from cancer., and Anita Roddick died of a brain aneurysm. Despite those losses, there was also progress. In 2007, a judge ruled that being locked down in solitary confinement for 30 years was a form of cruel and unusual punishment, a ruling that would allow for litigation on whether the use of solitary confinement was a constitutional violation in Woodfox and Wallace’s case. The Angola 3 also continued to garner public support, including following the death of Anita Roddick, as some of Roddick’s friends and associates became aware of the Angola 3 following her death, leading to the creation of an international coalition of supporters.
Another development came in the form of Leontine “Teenie” Rogers, the widow of Brent Miler, the murdered prison guard. At a meeting of legislators and national advocates, Rogers read a letter recounting how she’d learned of the lack of evidence connecting Woodfox and Wallace to the murder. That two men had served decades in solitary confinement for a crime they did not commit was a further tragedy, she wrote. After hearing Rogers’ story, Congressman John Conyers wrote to the Department of Justice and the FBI, asking them to get involved, and also met with Louisiana governor Bobby Jindal, asking him to look into Woodfox and Wallace’s case. Following that meeting, the prisoners were placed in a slightly less restrictive unit, but Woodfox writes the move was a hollow public relations move, as they were still isolated from the general prison population (314).
In 2008, Woodfox received some genuinely positive news, when his lawyer called to tell him his conviction for the murder or Brent Miller had been overturned, giving the state 30 days to retry him or dismiss charges. Louisiana Attorney General Buddy Caldwell appealed, and fought Woodfox’s motion for bail, citing false allegations—based on old rap sheets dating back to the time of Woodfox’s original arrest, in 1969—that Woodfox was a convicted sex offender, which Woodfox found difficult to bear. “I had risked my life protecting men from being raped in prison,” Woodfox writes. “Now I was being falsely accused of being a rapist” (319). Despite these attempts, the judge ruled Woodfox had the right to bail, but that ruling was blocked and ultimately denied by a Fifth Circuit panel of judges. Two years later, Woodfox received the upsetting news that a panel of U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit judges had reversed the ruling overturning his murder conviction, reinstating the conviction. That left one final option for a legal challenge: the claim that racial discrimination had played a role in the selection of a jury foreperson in his 1993 trial, because the judge had a pattern of almost exclusively selecting white jury forepersons in a parish that was 40% African American.
Eventually, Woodfox and Wallace were moved to separate prisons: Wallace to the southernmost part of the state, and Woodfox to the northernmost, the David Wade Correctional Centre. There, Woodfox had to fight for many of the privileges he’d successfully fought for at Angola, including contact visits, ice, and a microwave for inmates. At the end of Chapter 47, Woodfox notes that he continued to experience claustrophobia during this time, and that pacing his cell—sometimes so frequently that his sweat left a trail on the floor—was the only thing that helped.
Chapter 48 opens with Woodfox grieving more losses: a childhood friend who had been the same age as Woodfox; a former Panther who’d helped with Woodfox’s case, and Althea Francois, a founding member of the Angola 3’s support committee. Despite his decades of isolation from the people he loved, Woodfox writes that the separation brought about by death was different, and hard to bear. Meanwhile, the kind of separation he’d endured for nearly forty years–solitary confinement—was coming to be seen by many people in the international community as a form of cruel and unusual punishment, and in 2011, the United Nations released a statement calling solitary confinement a form of torture.
In Chapter 49, Woodfox notes that this torture was not felt equally: in Louisiana, 1 in 86 adults was incarcerated. For black men in New Orleans, that figure was 1 in 14, a state of affairs, Woodfox writes, that can be attributed to the fact that many Louisiana prisons are for-profit institutions that depend on a constant influx of new prisoners to stay profitable. Meanwhile, in 2012, Woodfox was awaiting the results of a ruling on a different question of discrimination: whether the selection of the jury foreperson at his 1993 indictment had been discriminatory. In early 2013, the judge ruled that it had been and overturned Woodfox’s conviction, also granting Woodfox bail. Once again, Attorney General Buddy Caldwell resisted, citing the same false rape accusations he’d made years before.
While waiting for the trial to move forward, Woodfox received news that Wallace, who had been feeling ill, had advanced liver cancer and only had a few months to live. Lawyers began fighting to get Wallace out of isolation and into a hospital and worked to allow the Angola 3 to meet to discuss their civil suit against solitary confinement. When Woodfox first saw Wallace, he writes that he felt optimistic that his friend would beat the cancer; by the next meeting, at which Wallace was frail and disoriented, it was clear that would not happen. In the course of Woodfox’s final visit with Wallace, the team received news that a judge had overturned Wallace’s conviction for the murder of Brent Miller and granted him immediate release. Wallace was brought out of prison on a stretcher and taken to the hospital. The next day, he was taken to the home of a supporter for hospice care where he died two days later but not before the state of Louisiana had reindicted him for murder. Woodfox writes that “the vengeance by the state of Louisiana against us had long been incomprehensible to me, but this moved pushed at the boundary of sanity,” (366).
In the weeks after Wallace’s death, Amnesty International delivered a petition to Governor Bobby Jindal. This time, Woodfox was the only person they were campaigning for, a fact that made Woodfox feel more isolated than ever. Yet through the organization, Woodfox was also receiving signs of the extent of the public support for his cause, including thousands of letters from supporters. That support buoyed Woodfox’s spirits as he waited for the court’s determination on whether he could get a new trial—a wait that was tinged with dread, as the panel of judges were known to be some of the most conservative on the Fifth Circuit. Nonetheless, in 2014, the judges ruled in Woodfox’s favor, ruling that, “for well over a century, the Supreme Court has held that a criminal conviction of an African-American cannot stand under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment if it is based on an indictment of a grand jury from which African-Americans were excluded on the basis of race” (375). This meant Woodfox would get a new trial. While waiting for that trial to move forward, Woodfox watched the news—which included coverage of the Black Lives Matter movement—and felt frustration that the same fights that had existed in his youth were ongoing.
In June 2015, a judge issued a ruling ordering Woodfox be release from prison and barring a new trial, citing Woodfox’s age and health problems, the lack of available witnesses (which would make it hard to present a defense at trial), and the prejudice Woodfox had experienced in spending forty years in solitary confinement. The state appealed and asked for a stay of Woodfox’s release. While Woodfox waited for the ruling, he made a list of things he wanted to do once released, including visit his mother’s grave and his daughter. However, the Fifth Circuit granted the stay, which meant Woodfox would have to stay in prison while awaiting the results of the appeal. Woodfox writes that in this moment he felt not only sadness for himself, but those around him. “some of the most difficult times for me in prison were moments like these, when it wasn’t only a loss for me, but for everybody who worked so hard on my behalf and who cared about me” (383).
Woodfox’s lawyers turned to preparing for a trial, including seeking to have some testimony excluded—because it was discredited and also because the witnesses were deceased—and investigating new leads for the murder, including accounts that other inmates had claimed responsibility or had seen the perpetrators. While Woodfox writes that he wasn’t sure about the value of these accounts, one element that remained consistent was the fact that he had Wallace were not involved.
Leading up to the criminal trial, Woodfox’s team experienced a number of setbacks, including a ruling that the trial could take place in West Feliciana Parish—where the defense though it unlikely they could get a fair trial, given past experience there—and that they could have a nonunanimous jury, meaning a conviction with only 10 out of 12 jurors, a system that had been originally instituted to marginalize the votes of black jurors.
Meanwhile Louisiana had elected a new attorney general, Republican Jeff Landry. Given the setbacks and uncertainties, Woodfox’s lawyers asked him if he would consider taking a deal for time served, instead of the retrial. The suggested a plea of nolo contendere, in which Woodfox would not admit guilt but his conviction would stand. This could secure his immediate release. Woodfox decided to take the plea, a decision, he writes, that he continues to think about every day: “I was being forced to choose freedom over the integrity of my word, which was everything to me” (401).
At the close of chapter 54, Woodfox describes walking out of prison with his brother, who had first started visiting him in prison at the age of eight. That evening, they went to the same theatre Woodfox had snuck into as a child, where an event was held to celebrate Woodfox’s return, with community members and longtime friends such as Robert King and Malik Rahim. The next day, Woodfox finally got to fulfill his longtime desire to see his mother’s grave and then those of his sister, his childhood friend, and Herman Wallace.
In the epilogue, Woodfox describes how, in the year after his release, he had to relearn basic actions that he hadn’t done for decades: buckling a seatbelt, pushing an elevator button, closing a door. In time, he also began to lose the fear that all that he loved would be taken away from him.
In closing the chapter, Woodfox writes that Wallace continues to be with him and King as they advocate for changes to practices that result in wrongful convictions, have a disproportionate impact on the poor, and lead to the overuse of solitary confinement, with devastating consequences for people’s physical and mental well-being. Addressing these issues, Woodfox says, means challenging systemic racism in the American justice system, as well as the prison-industrial complex that uses prisoners as a source of profit. In closing, Woodfox points to his own experience, and says despite everything he endured in his struggle for justice, he did not lose his humanity, inviting those who care about the humanity of others to join the fight.
In the final sections of Solitary, Woodfox makes significant progress, but also experiences a number of setbacks and personal tragedies, an arc that echoes his conclusions about progress on racism in the justice system in the United States over the course of his imprisonment.
Chapter 40 opens with Woodfox describing a growing coalition of support for him, Herman Wallace, and Robert King, who’d come to be called the Angola 3. In this way, the principles that had kept each of them strong and committed to each other—of respect for basic human dignity and a desire to see change in the prison system—came to be shared by many more people, which was a source of comfort and support, but also, occasionally of anguish. On occasions where there were setbacks, such as when Woodfox expected to be released, following a judge reversing his indictment for the murder of Brent Miller, but instead had to stay in prison following an appeal by the state, Woodfox worried less about himself than those who were fighting on his behalf.
The unity of the Angola 3 was also tested, when Robert King was released, and then Herman Wallace fell ill with liver cancer. In both cases, the friends managed to persevere in their principles, and in their connection to each other. In King’s case, by continuing to advocate for Woodfox and Wallace’s release, and for an end to solitary confinement, long after he himself had left prison; for Wallace, in how he continued to fight the prison system, even on his death bed. Woodfox offers an evocative picture of this dedication in describing how, even as his condition declined, Wallace continued to fight, agreeing to be deposed on video, so that it could be shown to jurors as part of the civil suit trial against solitary confinement. In the deposition, Wallace was asked repeatedly by state’s lawyers if he could die with a clear conscience, denying he killed Brent Miller. Repeatedly, Wallace answered that he could. Their dedication, as a unit, serves as a contrast to Woodfox’s declining energy and drive once he was fighting alone, as he describes in the final chapters of the book. Watching the Black Lives Matter protest on TV, he describes feeling additionally drained by the fact that people were still fighting for the same recognition they’d been struggle for before he went to prison. Nevertheless, the awareness that thousands of people across the world, as well as his family, supported him in his fight provided him the strength to see it to the end.
Woodfox also further develops the theme of systemic racism in the justice system. In these chapters, Woodfox is fighting for a third trial, which would also be his final chance to be released from prison, having exhausted all other avenues. This fight was taking place admits a growing public awareness of the prevalence of solitary confinement and its negative effects. In 2012, a newspaper story noted that Louisiana incarcerated more people, per capita, than any other state, which was 13 times the rate of China and 20 times that of Germany. The year before, the United Nations had deemed the extended use of solitary confinement a form of torture. Woodfox positions these developments alongside detailed explanations of the determination of the state of Louisiana, and Angola prison officials, to keep the Angola 3 incarcerated and in solitary confinement. He demonstrates how institutional racism is woven into the American justice system by drawing a connection between mass incarceration and the history of enslavement in the United States. He also recognizes that, insofar as these practices are grounded in hundreds of years of history, they are very slow to change.
In the book’s epilogue, Woodfox concludes that many of the changes to America over the course of his 44 years in prison have been superficial, and that racism, though more subtle, continues to be a significant problem in American society, citing the frequent killings of black men by police in the United States, and the disproportionately high rates of incarceration for African Americans and Latinx people, who make up 32 percent of the population, but 52 percent of those incarcerated.
This section also explores in greater depth the consequences of solitary confinement. Throughout the book, Woodfox described his episodes of claustrophobia and cites the need to adapt to the pain of solitary confinement as a way to survive the experience. But in these sections, Woodfox offers a window onto how damaging the experience had been, as he discovered it himself in meetings with a psychiatrist, as part of the Angola 3’s civil suit against solitary confinement. Woodfox describes burying his emotions as a means of numbing himself to the trauma of solitary confinement; speaking about these emotions, and opening himself up to experiencing that trauma, was “the most painful, agonizing thing I can imagine” Woodfox writes (299). The common thread the psychiatrist notes in the Angola 3’s experience is this need to be numb to feelings of sadness and loss, so as to avoid being overcome by them—a sentiment that echoes the book’s description of a psychiatric syndrome caused by solitary confinement, in which people descend into a “dissociative stupor,” marked by an inability to concentrate and remain alert (298) At the same time, these parts of the book also show Woodfox’s determination, as he weighs the pain of exploring these feelings against the need to bring an end to the practice of solitary confinement, and decides the latter is more important.
Woodfox describes how, even out of prison, he still sometimes feels claustrophobic, still mops his floors to keep calm—hearkening back to the prologue of the book—though this time in his own house. He also still fights for justice and an end to solitary confinement, and he acknowledges the determination and drive of young activists involved in Black Lives Matter, as well as the creation of an oversight board for the use of solitary confinement at Angola–called a ‘Woodfox board’—as a result of the Angola 3’s civil suit.
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